925 karma · joined September 21, 2007
<snark> Anyway, if we want to know how a group behaves when lawbreaking goes unpunished, we need look no further than the FIRE industries, Congress, and the current Cabinet. </snark>
While interesting, arguing about the methods used to violate your basic civil rights only distracts from the real discussion about YOUR CIVIL RIGHTS ARE BEING VIOLATED BY THE VERY GOVERNMENT FORMED TO PROTECT THEM.
Keep your eye on the ball people.
I had a professor who was apparently a student of E.W. Djikstra, and many of the points in this essay were essential to his courses. For example, exam questions weren't just "write code to do X", but "write code to do X and prove it", with failure to prove it resulting in a big fat 0. Of course, we were required to use weakest-precondition verification, from the bottom to the top. Not as tedious as it sounds, once you've gone through it once or twice, and I think the point wasn't to teach something we would use day-to-day, but to teach us that verifying programs by hand was not only possible but tractable. It seems like the TDD movement kind of makes the same point, though perhaps less formally.
Another professor introduced a variant of this technique developed for verifying the critical points of parallel and multi-threaded computation, which while far more tedious has been vastly more useful in my career as a model for thinking about concurrent programs [not bulletproof, of course, because runtimes and hardware sometimes do unexpected but perfectly valid things with our programs].
Most algorithms, at their core, have formal descriptions short enough to prove by hand in a matter of minutes. For those parts, I think it's realistic to use formal methods. All the other cruft we tack on to our programs to make then flexible, perform in a variety of contexts, handle varying data types, error checking, etc.; I think those fall in the realm of what you describe as "realistic programs", and which amounts to a daunting heap of code to verify by hand. Luckily, we can again follow his advice and use computation as an alternative, and verify by hand a program which can verify some or most of our work for us -- that seems to be what a lot of static analysis is all about.
I don't know. Do you ever run into situations day to day where you find yourself verifying your code by hand? That's usually what happens when I get deep into finding an error.
Despite the numbers, social democracy really does work...
Yes, numbers, those pesky axioms that just won't obey when we legislate away the laws of physics.
Oh. My.
The author conveniently glosses over the type-casting from pre-generics Java and instead compares to Ruby. Duh...of course Ruby is a cleaner read. But compare learning a new API:
// pretty evil
List<Thing> getTheThings();
// really evil
List getTheThings();
Or iteration: // pretty evil
for (Thing t: getTheThings()) {...}
// kill me now
for (Iterator it = getTheThings().iterator(); it.hasNext()) {
Thing t = (Thing) it.next();
...
}So we might need to legislate in code and write a law compiler, but that can be rendered to english pretty easily through a "lawyer-verified" open source transformation. Hell, you could even render a flowchart.
I will be more clear. In my opinion, freedom of the press is intended to perpetuate the ability of private citizens to monitor actions of government. Freedom of speech protects the right to publish those facts discovered by the press. You may twist that to include intrusion on private parties, or a slippery slope where lawlessness and slander rule, but that is not what I am saying.
The foundation of my argument is that proceedings of any court are official actions of government, and therefore information that shall be in the public domain. If you want, you could add the word eventually to the end of that sentence, I don't really care. I'm not talking about beauty contests or "courts of public opinion", I'm only talking about accountability of government. In that context, if the press deems themselves, or their viewers the private citizens, best served by documenting the actions of government with the most sophisticated technologies available, where is the power of the judiciary explicitly enumerated to deny it?
All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.
Amendment I
Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances. *
Regardless of our respective opinions on the matter, I don't see an [honest] interpretation of the above which gives the court (a) legislative power to (b) abridge the freedom of the press [within it's on courtrooms].