206 karma · joined January 14, 2023
> What's the value of food? If you have none you die, so the value is quit of high, but the price is much lower than that because there are many competing suppliers.
The first calories of the day, the ones that prevent you from dying, have a very high subjective value - but you pay them at the value of the 3000th calorie of the day, the extra drop of ketchup on your fries, which has a very little value.
And thus of course average value x volume is very different from (marginal value of last unit) x volume.
If you're getting a blood test, the pipeline might be primary care physician -> lab with a nurse to draw blood and machines to measure blood stuff -> primary care physician to interpret the test results. There is no blood-test-ologist (hematologist?) step, unlike radiology.
Anyway, "there's going to be radiologists around for insurance reasons only but they don't bring anything else to patient care" is a very different proposition from "there's going to be radiologists around for insurance reasons _and_ because the job is mostly talking to patients and fellow clinicians".
The current "workflow" is primary care physician (or specialist) -> radiology tech that actually does the measurement thing -> radiologist for interpretation/diagnosis -> primary care physician (or specialist) for treatment.
If you have perfect diagnosis, it could be primary care physician (or specialist) -> radiology tech -> ML model for interpretation -> primary care physician (or specialist.
This paper proposes that idiosyncratic firm-level shocks can explain an important
part of aggregate movements and provide a microfoundation for aggregate shocks. Ex-
isting research has focused on using aggregate shocks to explain business cycles, argu-
ing that individual firm shocks average out in the aggregate. I show that this argument
breaks down if the distribution of firm sizes is fat-tailed, as documented empirically.
The idiosyncratic movements of the largest 100 firms in the United States appear to
explain about one-third of variations in output growth. This “granular” hypothesis sug-
gests new directions for macroeconomic research, in particular that macroeconomic
questions can be clarified by looking at the behavior of large firms. This paper’s ideas
and analytical results may also be useful for thinking about the fluctuations of other
economic aggregates, such as exports or the trade balance.
[0] https://pages.stern.nyu.edu/~xgabaix/papers/granular.pdf- takes better photos than phones (esp. when printed)
- is not crazy expensive
- is not crazy complicated
The camera you'd buy if you did not want to make photography a hobby but phones don't cut it.
Looking at the richest Europeans [0], they all seem to be bourgeois.
[0] https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Europeans_by_net_worth
Note that, at least for France, it was not found to be illegal to use contract workers; rather the jobs-as-they-existed were really employment contracts according to the reality of the arrangement and not procurement contracts; merely not calling them "employment contract" does not absolve the parties of the obligation of a work contract.
Is that not equivalent to a prior that the coefficient on variables in Z but not in X is zero?
Note that no one has argued for a planned economy.
f = lambda x: (1/x) * x
f(1e309)
yields NaN, not 1.(So I guess Denmark is at least 1e309-sized in some metric).
To piggyback on the rest of this thread, people like meat and don't want to stop eating lots of meat. People are not going to like things that make them stop eating meats, whether it's governement buying out producers, a carbon tax, a carbon quota, whatever.
"Ministry of the Future" is full of stuff like "and the central bankers could reshape the economy, so they did by doing XYZ" as if "XYZ" was important but barely discusses the fact that "reshaping the economy" might upset lots of people. How were they convinced to give up air travel, cars, etc?
I'm afraid most people are smaller-than-Denmark groups, and thus unable whatsoever to impact global emissions. It's just math.
Let’s split China population in k Denmark-sized groups, plus one smaller-than-Denmark reminder.
None of the k groups has any ability to impact global CO2 emissions (same as Denmark).
We can reasonably assume that a smaller group has even less ability to impact global CO2 emissions than a bigger group. Hence the smaller-than-Denmark reminder has no ability to impact global CO2 emissions either.
Thus China is made of groups that have no ability to impact global CO2 emissions either. And therefore China as a whole has no ability to impact global CO2 emissions. (Otherwise at least one group within China would have to impact global emissions and we just saw that it isn’t possible).
This is known as the CO2 impossibility theorem, loosely based on Arrow’s concept of “(in)decisive” set.
High carbon farms balance would be: "high carbon" profit + subsidy - high carbon tax
If ["low carbon" profit - small carbon tax] > ["high carbon" profit - high carbon tax] (e.g. if the carbon tax is high enough), farms have an incentive to lower their carbon emissions.
The subsidy is here to make sure ["low carbon" profit + subsidy - small carbon tax] > 0
Le Conseil d'Etat est la juridiction administrative suprême.
(see: https://www.legifrance.gouv.fr/codes/article_lc/LEGIARTI0000...)Note that's it's not civil matters but matters related to government action (from say, basic rights to labor disputes for State employees or citizenship issues).