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Comment by anigbrowl | Hacker News Reader

a mystery to me

It's ably explained in Roberts' opinion. In short, Congress often left the fine details to the agencies, not least because the laws were often drafted within those same agencies. Chevron was based on the idea that if statutory text is ambiguous the people in charge of implementing said statute were best positioned to figure out what it meant, in accordance with the Administrative Procedures Act (which sets out rules for for how agencies make rules, eg requiring consultations, publications of proposed rules, public comment periods thereon etc.).

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> Chevron was based on the idea that if statutory text is ambiguous the people in charge of implementing said statute were best positioned to figure out what it meant

Wouldn't it be odd if the police also acted as the judge in your criminal trial? That's the point here, to separate lawmaking and interpretive power from the enforcers. Consolidation of power is dangerous because it doesn't work.

> in accordance with the Administrative Procedures Act

This ruling made clear that the Chevron doctrine was not in line with the APA,

"Courts must exercise their independent judgment in deciding whether an agency has acted within its statutory authority, as the APA requires."

https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/23pdf/22-451_7m58.pdf

I think it's more analogous to the overlap between police and prosecutors. Those who are the object of regulatory enforcement can and do bring their objections to courts. Another difference is that agency rulemaking is not made in a vacuum; there's a pretty elaborate rulemaking process which includes (iirc) notices of proposed rulemaking, mandatory public comment periods spanning months, pre-publication of draft rules to allow the possibility of litigation and so on.

> I think it's more analogous to the overlap between police and prosecutors.

Those both fall under the executive branch. Plus, Chevron deference was about the court's actions, not prosecutors'.

> Another difference is that agency rulemaking is not made in a vacuum; there's a pretty elaborate rulemaking process which includes (iirc) notices of proposed rulemaking, mandatory public comment periods spanning months, pre-publication of draft rules to allow the possibility of litigation and so on.

That gives the illusion of a democratic process, but in reality, agency rulemakers are not accountable to the people, whereas Congress is. Keep in mind that the fisheries regulation in question on this case was passed during the Trump administration– so it's not like electing a conservative to head the executive put a stop to excess regulation, which is generally a position that conservatives advocate.

Those both fall under the executive branch.

They do, but courts judge your case.

That gives the illusion of a democratic process, but in reality, agency rulemakers are not accountable to the people

I didn't claim it it to be a democratic process, I said it was not an arbitrary or isolated one. The democratic element is in the selection of an executive every 4 years. the rulemaking procedures under the Administrative Procedures Act won't be formally changed by this, but I suspect it'll be lengthenedand more heavily litigated, resulting in less regulatory clarity and slower enforcement.

> The democratic element is in the selection of an executive every 4 years.

That did nothing to help the fishery in this case. The burdens placed upon them came from a lower level bureaucrat, a decision that likely never crossed Trump's desk. That's just one regulation among thousands per year for which there is no accountability.

> Chevron was based on the idea that if statutory text is ambiguous the people in charge of implementing said statute were best positioned to figure out what it meant

Yes, that's an accurate assessment of what Chevron doctrine entails. And again, it is a mystery to me how anyone could ever have thought that this was a good idea, or was in any way consistent with the constitutional separation of powers.

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