It is not like a decision of the citizens that was debated in an assembly, just we do things because they were decided in secret international meetings or corrupted politicians.
It is not like a decision of the citizens that was debated in an assembly, just we do things because they were decided in secret international meetings or corrupted politicians.
So it looks like it was "debated" in an assembly. I'm using scare quotes because I'm not a big fan of burying potentially controversial changes in giant budget bills. I'm also not a fan of giant budget bills or giant bills at all for that matter.
If not, where do you draw the line?
From there (since I am in the US) I would look at the decades of jurisprudence at the state level where most states have already adopted a Single Subject rule for their legislature's and have not seemed to gotten bogged down by it. it is not a new concept.
here is a pretty good overview from the MN legislature:
https://www.house.mn.gov/hrd/pubs/ss/sssubtitle.pdf
Then I could look to the Proposed law in Congress (https://www.congress.gov/bill/117th-congress/house-bill/872/...) which addresses your budget concern by adding "An appropriations bill shall not contain any general legislation or change of existing law provision, " meaning a budget is about a budget not about passing new laws or changing laws / regulations.
That is just a start of where one could go for this topic
So I think it's entirely possible that you could come up with a single subject rule that was enough of a net win I'd be in favour, but I suspect you'd want to look at how the existing ones have been gamed and work out which those cases want to have an official way to do them and which you want to reword things to make harder.
If you can defund an agency to prevent the enforcement of a law, you can effectively use a budget bill to change an existing law provision, even without changing the law itself. This defeats the spirit of that statement above.
By all objective measure they would be better for public policy
- Everything in the bill should be able to be summarized by a one-paragraph, three-sentence, no-semicolons abstract relating the purpose of the bill. None of the content of the bill should be surprising given that abstract — it should "follow from" the abstract.
- The abstract's sentences must all be logically connected, able to be diagrammed as a causal network. There can't be one sentence that introduces some completely independent purpose from the purpose discussed in the other two sentences. You can't say "We want to build a bridge. Also, we want to buy some tanks." — nothing connects those two concepts into a single coherent purpose. But you can say "We want to buy some tanks. We also want to build test ranges for those tanks." — the two concepts are connected and form a single coherent purpose.
> Take a budget bill.
No, don't take "a budget bill." The whole purpose of Congress as a social technology is to output a budget; every bill Congress evaluates is for the purpose of defining the budget. Congress should not be passing "a budget" through one bill, any more than a software company should be making a release every few months that entirely rewrites their whole product line from scratch with no code reuse.
Bills should represent discrete patches to the budget (implying also: to the executive departments and regulations funded by said budget), and should be debated the same way that e.g. Linux kernel patches are debated on LKML — including being rejected as "too big to be debated"!
And this perspective — of the whole of the legislative process being "about" the creation of a budget — should be burned into the process itself: no bill should be allowed to be introduced that "defunds" something without also excising the law that defined that thing; no law should be allowed to be introduced that "creates" something without also appropriately funding that thing. The legislature should be ACID — a bill should never leave the law in an inconsistent state (inconsistent between the set of laws, and the budget defined to "power" those laws.)
To be clear, that debate would not be line-item level — five fighter jets, three waste-treatment plants, twenty FDA auditors, etc. But it should be confined to a set of things that, as above, can be summarized coherently; and which can also be discussed and debated coherently, with the same set of experts needed to read and analyze the validity of every line-item involved in the bill.
Compare/contrast the court system: nobody involved would think that doing a single court case that evaluates 1. whether a company is committing accounting fraud; 2. whether its founder assaulted someone, and 3. whether another founder should get custody of their kids, would be a good idea. Those three questions each imply separate judges with different specialties, separate sets of expert witnesses, separate jury selection processes, and separate lawyers that each side would want to retain. (And, in fact, separate defendants!) And yet, in legislature, we see bills that do exactly this.
Had the decision been taken as a result of "secret" meetings set up outside the purview of elected politicians one could have at least used the discourse that the OP uses: "They're taking these acts behind our backs!".
But when burying these type of nefarious acts in a 450-page budget bill the people responsible for it all can now get back to us with: "your elected politicians voted it into law, it has all been done by the book, no nefarious act in there". And that's how trust in democracy and in the power of the people, for the people, takes another big hit.
My favorite part is where the millionaire-billionaire politicians (that do this exact thing themselves) use this opportunity to vilify their opponents and then push for something else they want as the solution.
X does something wrong, Y calls it out and raises support and then sneaks in something wrong.
So the citizens get fleeced and then become pawns. It seems like this is visible in every. single. bill. that gets passed by either party in the US.
It's conceivable Parliament could implement a law that allows taxation and spending to be discretionary within a range, by the executive -- they in fact do that to give departments some emergency room. A large such allocation happened during the COVID crisis budget. But the overall year-to-year tax levels are debated and argued anyway in Parliament, so they might as well just write it directly into a new law.
Generally an election is called, but theoretically the Crown may ask another political party to see they can get enough votes together to pass legislation.
If the current governing party has a majority of seats, then there is obviously no way that any other party can. But if (as now) the currently governing party does not have a majority of seats and are part of a coalition/agreement, then another party could try forming a coalition.
Minority governments have been relatively rare in Canada, and so the 'proper' actions on what to do during them aren't part of the cultural zeitgeist, which can lead to drama:
* https://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.ca/en/article/king-byng-...
* https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/King–Byng_affair
* https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2008–2009_Canadian_parliamenta...
ok?
> Parliament passes laws.
Ok? So? They also have to go to the bathroom once in a while. They can do more than one thing.
> The budget is a confidence bill; it must be debated, voted on, and pass
Sure.. but again, why can you put NON-budget stuff in there? Because it's a hack. It's not a budget, it's a law.
This is not at all how it works in Sweden. The budget is a budget. It doesn't sneak in laws from the side. We also don't have government shutdowns, because if a new budget doesn't pass the old is in effect a year on. We even had a situation where the opposition got their budget passed instead of the government, and that was annoying as hell to them of course, but we didn't need to call elections.
Taxation is one thing, the budget is another.
My wife and I vote on our personal budget all the time.
Thunderdome:
Matthew Yglesias did a tweet thread a while back arguing that copyright terms should be shorter and the responses were instructive. People -- regular people -- have a pretty deep intuition that if you create something, then it belongs to you -- forever. The Jeffersonian notion that copyright exists only to incentivize new works is to most folks an odd one. His mentions filled up with authors arguing that their great-grandkids should enjoy the fruits of their labor, sentiments that garnered broad support from basically everyone except copyright law nerds (like myself).
This is not, after all, a particularly rare event on the platform in general.
Writing a book on the other hand usually takes weeks, months or even years, so only the richest of individuals could afford to pay an author's living expenses for that period in a similar one-and-done lump sum.
Plus people that read books want to likely read new books more frequently than they need their plumbing fixed, again exacerbating that problem.
So consequently you need some sort of arrangement that allows for splitting the necessary payment to the author up across multiple people and/or over time.
Additionally, artists often speculatively create works without knowing for sure whether the public will take any interest in their work, or not. Copyright certainly has its faults, but it does cater for precisely that scenario by ensuring that you can insist on getting paid afterwards if people enjoy and want access to your work, and you don't need to acquire all the necessary funding up front. If you can't come up with enough money, you can even "just" invest your spare time instead and still get paid back if the work turns out be successful.
Plumbers on the other hand I assume rarely have the desire to speculatively fix up other people's plumbing and then hope to get paid afterwards if they did a good job.
Rewarding artists after they've already produced the artistic work if they're successful also makes sense in that the quality of artistic output can vary, and so there's a bigger risk of disappointment if you need to pay far in advance, before the work has possibly even been produced.
And because the quality of an artistic work is also very much a subjective matter, it'd also be much more difficult getting your money back in that case, whereas plumbing can mostly be judged according to much more objective standards, so getting your money back – through the legal system if required - is again a more tenable affair.
Of course the existence of Kickstarter and the like or even just plain old pre-orders show that to some extent people are willing to take that risk of paying in advance, but whether that would be enough if it was the only reasonable source of funding for artistic works? It'd also mean that if you can't convince people to pay you in advance (and good luck with that if you're some unknown newcomer), then good luck getting any more money afterwards, even if the book/… then turns out to be wildly popular afterwards.
Edit: Ah, it looks like it's fully up to the executive branch. https://lop.parl.ca/sites/PublicWebsite/default/en_CA/Resear...
Sometimes a treaty can be implemented with just regulation, or it provides a statement of principles that helps interpret legal ambiguities. However, on matters such as the copyright term length discussed in this article, the trade treaty required explicit implementation by statute.
As the factions that get hurt by this get stronger the more likely they succeed.
You make this sound like it's about legalizing a dangerous chemical or something. It's extending copyright limits. I don't feel particularly "hurt" by not being able to legally publish Mickey Mouse fan fiction.
IMO, the right length for copyright is somewhere in the neighborhood of 20 years, give or take. If you've proven you can create something useful once, you should have a reason to repeat the feat.