780 karma · joined May 14, 2021
That's a pretty massive claim. Do you have any examples of this?
Yup, in the two cases that come to mind, the Supreme Court kicked the issue back to Parliament: Miller I[1] said that, given the extreme constitutional consequences of no deal, the Government couldn't unilaterally trigger Article 50, such a decision could only come from Parliament. This was more just a procedural issue. An Act[2] was passed a couple months after the judgment, and Article 50 was triggered a couple days later. Whereas, Miller II[3] was about the Government proroguing Parliament in order to silence it. The Supreme Court was having none of that, so it annulled the prorogation. In both cases, the Supreme Court was protecting Parliament.
- [1] <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/R_(Miller)_v_Secretary_of_Stat...>
- [2] <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/European_Union_(Notification_o...>
- [3] <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/R_(Miller)_v_The_Prime_Ministe...>
1. Members of Parliament (MPs) represent roughly 70k people. And while that's still a significant number, it's small enough for them to know and be known by their constituents. It's more difficult to vote against your constituents when you know them.
2. The House of Lords (HoL) can revise and delay, but not block, which means we are functionally immune from cross-chamber games of chicken that result in US-style government shutdowns, or European-style budget bills as confidence motions. We did come pretty close to this with Brexit in 2019, but this was all within the House of Commons given that the ruling party did not command a majority.
3. Parliamentarians usually respect the inertia of institution. As in, the idea that it's right to continue things as they've always been done, unless there's a compelling reason. It's why we're still a Monarchy, why there's still bishops and hereditaries in the House of Lords, etc. Basically, there's a culture of incrementalism. Because if you don't have the inertia, you appear to lack legitimacy, it's just a gimmick.
4. And on the heels of that, I think Parliamentarians have an occupational understanding of the adage "With great power comes great responsibility."
5. The Civil Service, while ostensibly neutral, tends to resign when asked to do anything believed to be damaging to the country.
All of this put together (and probably more than I haven't thought of) means that MPs understand that they could do great damage, and so they restrain themselves.
Contrast this with other countries with difficult systems where politicians stir up the passions of their constituents by naming their systemic limitations, "I would love to do X, but I can't because Y prevents me." A somewhat related example would be abortion in the US, where after Roe v Wade was decided, many states became soapboxes for anti-abortion rhetoric. It's a safe rhetorical position: you can say what you like and then blame the federal government for not being able to do it. But then Roe v Wade was overturned and many of these politicians and states have changed their tune, because the power is now in their hands, they are now answerable to their constituents on this matter. Not that it matters given how much gerrymandering there is, but still, the effect was noticeable.
The fact that Dart's formatter FAQ tells developers who are unhappy with the output to change their code to satisfy the formatter (https://github.com/dart-lang/dart_style/wiki/FAQ#i-dont-like...), rather than allowing developers to tweak the formatter to satisfy their code, is such a huge tell about their mindset. And again, these global styles do not "end the discussion" as people in this thread have asserted. The "tall style" PR (https://github.com/dart-lang/dart_style/issues/1253) refutes that. And that PR has since devolved into bickering and heated demands since its adoption into SDK 3.7.0, since it transforms people's code in ways they dislike and/or find less readable.
Just let people, projects, and organisations enforce their own styles conventions. It's not hard and it shouldn't be controversial.
At this point, why even have a negative-right Freedom of Speech if you're just going to treat it like a positive right anyway? Ridiculous.
While I wish this were true, I very much doubt it, at least not until Zig has proper interfaces and gives up its weird hangup on anonymous functions. It's also extremely easy to effectively lose access to Zig features without cluttering your code. For example, say you want to use libevent in Zig: your event callbacks must use C calling conventions, meaning you lose access to try and errdefer, which are two of the most defining features of Zig. And while you can remedy this by having the callback invoke a Zig function, doing that just doubles every interaction between your Zig code and libevent, which is already cluttered because of the lack of anonymous functions.
These things aren't as important as compile times, but they are annoyances that will drive a non-zero amount of people away.