The Long Shadow of Chinese Blacklists on American Academe
chronicle.com
chronicle.com
Swiss scholar Tariq Ramadan's had his H1-B visa to be a professor at Notre Dame revoked due to the Patriot Act's "ideological exclusion provision" in 2004. He was also formally denied a B visa to come and speak at universities. He's now teaching at Oxford.
Bernadette Devlin McAliskey is a former British member of parliament. The 56-year old grandmother Bernadette Devlin McAliskey was banned from entering the U.S. in 2003 because she was deemed a "serious threat to national security".
Cat Stevens, also known as Yusuf Islam, was banned from entering the U.S. 2004. That's the singer of "Peace Train", "Morning Has Broken", "Wild World" etc.
And so on. Of course, someone can make the case that the U.S. should not let these people in, but the same case could be made that China shouldn't let their analogous contemporaries in.
You have to wonder why when the U.S. is doing this, people complain about a foreign country, which they have no control over, doing this. In April 2001 the U.S. rammed a Lockheed EP-3 into a Chinese plane just outside the PRC border, killing the Chinese pilot, then landed on PRC territory without permission. Now we have people complaining China won't allow American commissars wishing to undermine it's power in, while of course America does the same exact thing.
In this discussion, it is important to have the context that many governments engage in this behavior. Not so that it can be excused, but so that when we discuss how to deal with it, we can do it in a way that's informed and tackles the actual issues including the nuances of escalating bilateral cycles.
While I think it is perfectly reasonable to make a moral and ethical judgement based on a unilateral context, but it is a mistake to examine the foreign policy without discussing the bilateral or multilateral interactions that help create and sustain it.
I mean, this says it all, right here:
"In April 2001 the U.S. rammed a Lockheed EP-3 into a Chinese plane just outside the PRC border, killing the Chinese pilot, then landed on PRC territory without permission."
The only way you can possibly think that a four-engined turboprop can "ram" a fighter jet is if you have a bias so large that its gravitational field affects the orbits of nearby planets.
To add to your original comment: the US pilot insisted that the plane was on autopilot (and thus he was hit by the Chinese pilot, not vice versa), the Chinese pilot had a history of flying way too close to US planes, and the US plane "landed without permission" because it was so damaged after the event that the crew was on the verge of bailing out.
Your elaboration is exactly right on all counts. And to add a bit more, even if none of that were true, it still makes no sense for a lumbering reconnaissance plane to "ram" a maneuverable fighter jet that intercepted it. It would be like a container ship "ramming" a jet-ski. Even if it wanted to, it simply can't maneuver to make it happen.
No slight taken. I was still in middle school when the Hainan Island incident happened, and I figured there's a sizable young population on HN that's in the same boat. Young kids tend not to pay as much attention to the machinations of foreign policy.
He's complaining because he's personally been blacklisted. That seems like a good reason to me.
He's also the man who endorsed the Fatwa on Salman Rushdie, said he thought Rushdie should be killed, and openly discussed the circumstances in which he himself would be willing to carry out the sentence: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2-wjxwpvqps
Since Rushdie lives in US (NYC), I can understand and respect the US not wanting to allow "Yusuf" to enter the country.
Today, usage of the word "China" is interchangeable with the words "PRC government" both in colloquial use and in the minds of many people, particularly in China.
This makes it nearly impossible to hold a position that opposes the actions or positions of the PRC government without being seen as anti-China, and thus anti-the-people-of-China-and-their-best-interests (and holds an implied suggestion that the PRC is infallible).
Thus people, both inside and outside of China, who promote ideas like protecting the environment, freedom of speech, protecting the rights of landowners, or freedom of movement actually have Sinophobic ulterior motives and/or are trying to prevent the people of China from succeeding in the world. Viewing any differing opinion through this lens makes it nearly impossible to have honest discussions about a whole host of issues and allows the wholesale reduction of such arguments.
Until of course the PRC itself changes its position, at which point you should too.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Japanese_American_internment
https://www.google.com/search?client=safari&rls=en&q=attacks...
(Its not.)
Citizen's rights? The Party doesn't have time to worry about that.
On the other hand, some other scholars were "smart" enough to steer their voice to a more positive direction. For example, articles such as "How Censorship in China Allows Government Criticism but Silences Collective Expression" (published on American Political Science Review) is something PRC prefer than a honest criticism.
Is it possible the self-censorship is not only worse than actual attempts to censor Western scholars, but would be a potential issue for academics serious about studying China even if China had a completely free press due to fear of offending cultural sensibilities? What's the standard of academic discourse on the Rape of Nanking for scholars with aspirations to study in Japanese institutions like?
And re: Japan, I'm not aware of Japanese authorities denying visas to academics on the basis of their beliefs. There's no comparable issue here anyway: Japanese textbooks do cover Japanese war crimes in detail, with denialists a marginal fringe, while denial of the Tiananmen massacre (etc) is official PRC state policy.
While I agree that denialists might be marginal, I wasn't aware that textbooks cover war crimes "in detail"? My only personal experience is as an exchange student to Fukuoka in 96-97 -- and there certainly wasn't much "detailed" coverage of Japanese war crimes in second year of high school as I recall.
But that's a few years ago now, maybe the curriculum has been updated?
The important idea that Perry Link suggests is that US Universities should deliberately push at the very limits of Chinese censorship within China, so that academics will feel free to discuss thing within those boundaries.
It's quite a clever way of trying to avoid the self-censorship trap, which - as the author points out - is probably more dangerous than the actual censorship itself.
* But look at the US * err... and that's it.
Notably, neither pro-PRC nor anti-PRC camps are helped by that discourse.
I do not know why I am barred from being employed at a job. There are many possible reasons; I speak and blog often in support of labor rights in businesses and in criticism of various employers. But no recruiter or HR person will say exactly where or when I crossed a line. Giving clear punishment for unclear reasons will cause any person, whether directly involved or merely an observer, to be cautious and to censor what one says on financially sensitive topics. Businesses in the West have used this technique on their own workers for decades.