The Baumol effect
en.wikipedia.org
en.wikipedia.org
The second is that college professors have been phased out of teaching for a long time, increasingly replaced by adjuncts who earn starvation wages.
Healthcare, I'm not sure about. At my most recent clinic visits, a doctor (i.e., MD) was nowhere in sight. A technician examined me, a physician's assistant interpreted the exam results, and ordered a visit to a MRI machine operated by technicians. (Thankfully, it turns out I'm OK). My healthcare costs twice as much as in most civilized countries for no good reason despite roughly equal labor inputs.
It would be useful to remove education and healthcare from the graph and see if the theory still makes sense.
I'd argue this is still a version of the Baumol effect. For example, some people look back at 1950s nightclubs and wonder why they can't have that now.
It's because, as you say, the productivity of automatic music increased but live orchestras didn't.
So if you want "music" you can get it cheap, if you want "live orchestra", you can't.
People were able to afford something earlier which in these days they no longer can.
But there are plenty of service jobs that haven't seen big productivity gains. Masseuses, for example.
In 1900 a performance could entertain at most a few thousand people. Now, a single performance can be heard by tens of millions. A performance in the Concertgebouw Amsterdam can be heard in real time* in New Zealand, on the other side of the world, with better fidelity than all but a few of those present in the theatre experience.
Baumol's choice of example of zero-productivity-gain work was egregiously wrong in this case. Likely the same is true for his other examples.
* Or later, at the listener's convenience.
So if the orchestra's economic production is still only being realized when they perform live music, the baumol effect will absolutely still apply.
Now, yes: internet streaming killed recording as a viable profit center in the mid 2000s. When Baumol was writing, musical acts did live shows more or less at cost, or even at a loss (covered by their record companies), to promote their recordings, which were where the money was, then.
The declining popularity of classical music is beside the point. Baumol intended classical music to stand in for performing arts in general.
The size of the potential (and in many cases actual) audience and revenue has increased for performances of all kinds: popular music, stand-up comedy, baseball games, motor car races, spelling competitions, etc. At the same time, costs to an individual consumer have declined dramatically. Those things are the essence of productivity gain.
https://www.aaup.org/sites/default/files/AAUP-2021-SurveyTab...
Baumol's cost disease theory makes sense in general. But empirically, for a specific service, there's always a lot of other stuff going on, are they providing a superior good with rising demand as society gets richer, how easy is it to substitute lower quality adjuncts, etc.
Economics feeds into this. I happen to like (among other things) "big band" music, which flourished in the 30s through the end of WWII. The reason was that wages were depressed (it was The Depression, after all) so it was cheap to hire a big band (and it was a way to spread the money around and keep your friends employed). The war ended, the depression ended, and jobs were plentiful (plus some new technology wsa developed) and that was the end of the Big Band Sound.
Symphonies evolved in a time of patronage and low wages. They are absurd today -- real money losers. I'm glad people still try, but I feel like my experience must be subsidized.
I am compulsively unable to attend a concert without estimating the amount the band is paid and dividing it by the players. The economics rarely make direct sense.
https://www.forbes.com/sites/carolinesimon/2017/09/05/bureau...
The answer is it's both. On the one hand there isn't enough incentive to rein in costs. But on the other hand, administrative requirements really have been going way up:
> Perhaps most controversial is an increasing raft of federal and state regulations that universities must abide by: the Clery Act, which requires campuses to report their crime activity; new Title IX regulations that govern the handling of sexual assault; and Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act (FERPA) requirements for providing educational records.
> In 2013 and 2014 alone, the Department of Education released rules and directives on 10 new sets of issues, ranging from proposed rules on teacher preparation programs to Net Price Calculator requirements to specific regulations for FAFSA verification. Complying with all these rules requires additional staff and additional money. The resources required are not insignificant: a Vanderbilt study of 13 colleges and universities found that regulatory compliance comprises 3 to 11% of schools’ nonhospital operating expenses, taking up 4 to 15% of faculty and staff’s time.
> “It is pages and pages and pages of regulations that require more sophisticated professionals,” says Penny Rue, vice president for Campus Life at Wake Forest University and board chair-elect of the National Association of Student Affairs Professionals. Rue adds that incidents on college campuses, such as the 2007 shooting at Virginia Tech, contributed to a need for administrative spending that often goes unnoticed, from case management services to threat assessment teams.
The fact university administrators responded to boom in demand/capital by hiring way more administrators is probably not directly a consequence of Baumol either. But it is why the costs of these administrators is so expensive, t which is reflected in tution costs.
Maybe you could blame it because being a uni admin is an easy job to get with little actual output demanded of you, but you still get paid like a high productivity sector employee, so people flocked to it. And if they were paid a wage connected to their individual output they wouldn't be nearly as many of them and tuition costs could go down.
But the universities could also just fire 2/3rds of them and still function while paying the rest normal high wages.
Maybe Yale is an outlier here because there's another analysis[1] that looks at aggregate data for nonprofit and private colleges collected by NCES, and that analysis showed that support (ie. non-teaching) costs have outgrown teaching costs.
[1] https://www.lesswrong.com/posts/fJvjin8ETkzhFdadC/accounting...
>Again, everything is per FTE per year. So support cost (student services, academic and institutional support) is roughly comparable to instruction cost (teaching), and the two have risen at similar rates in the 1999-2013 window. Research expenditures, meanwhile, have been pretty flat.
What support structure is necessary now that wasn't 50 years ago? (Except for maybe IT, though even that's less true now with AWS)
My partner works in the (semi) healthcare. She loves it but her main stress factor (nemesis even) has been lousy management. And she has a point. The managers in her organization are people who would be fired after a few weeks in my organization. I work in IT and we pay our managers serious money. I am the last one to say they are perfect or more than marginally competent, but they get the job done.
What my partner ends up with are the managers that cannot get a job in the better paying segment. And that is very much to the detriment of our healthcare.
The Baumol effect is not as much about, say, musicians who decide against their calling to become engineer instead, but about the job roles that can switch markets easily. Among those, the real talent follows the money. And to be honest, I cannot blame them. It is just human nature. But that does not make it less of a problem.
This observation is sort of downstream from the Baumol effect rather than the effect itself or more accurately when the effect is countered explicitly.
The core loop of the effect is when you need to pay a healthcare manager a ballpark similar salary when putting out a "for hire" ad to get applicants or alternatively hide the salary filter till much later in the interview sunk cost.
The problem is that you end up having the managers first apply for other jobs before getting to the low-paying job, so the initiators of the interaction (i.e "apply for jobs") sieve out before getting to the job that pays almost the same but needs less competence.
So you pay about as much, but get even less value for money than paying more.
When you put Baumol effect, Dutch Disease[1], Gale & Shapley[2] and the Market for Lemons[3] together, you get to see the job market from a lot of different angles in my immediate neighbourhood.
Silicon valley has a Dutch disease for math teachers for instance, but also the Baumol effect for the English staff. Not complaining about them, I'd like my kids to learn history, math and english from great teachers & don't want to do Kumon or whatever else the other kids are doing after school.
The way the schools try to fix it is by making the schools initiate hiring through temps and do extensive adjunct periods before any concept of tenure to work around the market for lemons (you can't hire a temp managing director, which is what's different there).
This really sucks for the good teachers who want to have a happy late 20s in the career they prefer.
[1] - https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dutch_disease [2] - https://www.jstor.org/stable/2312726?origin=crossref [3] - https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Market_for_Lemons
I remember that people on the left side of the bell curve need jobs too. And, all else being equal, I'd probably prefer them manning the phones at a hotel and sometimes screwing up my reservation than wielding a scalpel when I'm under the knife.
I thought you might like a counterpoint to your consternation with your fellow HN commentators.
Baumol cost disease is fascinating.
I'm very worried and currious about the future, regardless.
https://lendedu.com/blog/history-of-student-loans
If there was no financing then students would be limited to what they could actually pay.
This raises the question of what counts as productivity, and by what metrics is it measured. Yes, the number of required performers for a given symphony is static, but that symphony is now able to reach far more people, be it in real-time (via live broadcast, and via larger auditorims (auditoria?) with capacity for more people) or after-the-fact (via recordings). Quality is also a consideration here: better instruments, better acoustic design in the venues, better recording equipment, better playback equipment, better storage media (allowing better lossless recording quality), possibly even better performers.
In short: attempting to measure the productivity of an artistic endeavor is unlikely to result in anything coherent.
The value of the money commodity today is not tied to productivity. How much effort does it take to make a dollar? And how does this effect its relative value to all other commodities.
And so of course the amount of the "money" commodity needed for a given piece of work can change without the productively of a given piece of work changing based on the independent value change of said money commodity.
You're free to contribute a better example to the Wiki. There's plenty of low productivity jobs with high wages being propped up by the general productivity of the other sectors (corporate middle management, administrators everywhere, tons of consulting gigs, etc). Or someone could expand the critique section if you can find some better sources.
I'm just a layman, but this method of measuring "productivity" in education is absolutely bonkers and seems to treat the actual education received by each student as a fungible commodity. Thus a student in a "Rock Music History" class is roughly equivalent to a student in Quantum Physics 401.
Is this how economists actually think of education?
Better than jobs which are replaceable with automation? For sure.
Economists are a wacky bunch.
If you look from the POV of low-level worker in a rich region it's nice that you earn 5 times more than a person doing the same work in a poor country.
If you look from the POV of low-level worker in a poor region it sucks that you earn 20% as much as a person doing the same work you do exactly as efficiently in a rich region. And it sucks that it doesn't depend on your effort and efficiency. It mostly depends on how well the big buck industries work in your region.
This is the main reason I'm frustrated every time people post maps of "labor productivity per hour". With the implication that people in poor countries are inefficient and that's why they are poor.
And if you pit a slave from an even poorer region against them then it sucks even more. They earn nothing at all while that worker from a poorer region earns money for work.
Some people think that because of this their privilege they need knocking down a peg.
>This is the main reason I'm frustrated every time people post maps of "labor productivity per hour". With the implication that people in poor countries are inefficient and that's why they are poor.
I dont even see why this is controversial. Your efficiency would drop considerably if you moved to a 3rd world country and vice versa.
Not necessarily. A barber in Bździszewo Kolonia earning 5 USD per haircut and a barber in New York earning 50 USD per haircut can work exactly as efficiently and do exactly as good a job. The main difference is in how much money their customers have.
Then why is clothing 10x more expensive to produce in USA vs Bangladesh?
Why are iPhones made in China and India?
On a hard-money system, monetary rewards can only be attained by providing value to others who also provide value to others. The extent of your reward for servicing your customers is proportional to the extent of the economic value provided by those customers in aggregate (in terms of how they service their own customers). It's more profitable to service people/companies who are effective at servicing others.
In a soft-money system, there is no guarantee that a specific entity earned their money through value creation; e.g. the money could have been sourced from a loan from a now-bankrupt company which provided no economic value (just spent the money into the economy and went bankrupt soon after)... Or it could come from huge, overpaid government contracts. It could come from corrupt dictators who are laundering government-issued money between each other, etc... With money printing, it's too easy to spend money which you can just create out of thin air. There are too many weak points which can be exploited and which can undermine the entire premise of free market capitalism.
If an industry experiences productivity gains, it does not entail that they would need more workers; the opposite should be true. The entire premise of productivity gains is that you need fewer workers to provide the same amount of value. If the productivity gains within an industry were real, that industry would not need more workers and it would not be pulling workers from other industries and thus driving up the salaries of remaining workers (due to labor shortages in those unproductive industries). Specialized skills are required to deliver productivity gains; it's not like you can hire a petrol station attendant to build your AI with Tensorflow...
What's really going on (a much more powerful force) is that some unproductive industries are subsidized by money printing so they grow regardless of the value they bring to society and they just create bullshit jobs. Workers just move from industries which aren't well subsidized by money printing to industries which are. This movement of workers does drive up increases in salaries in other industries, but it has nothing to do with productivity. If anything, the fact that some industries benefit more from money printing than others may explain why there is such inequality in productivity growth across industries. Money printing creates incentives which, for example, keep tech workers out of certain industries (since they can get paid more to work a bullshit job). Why are so many tech people working for Big Tech (where they are clearly not needed given the recent rounds of mass firings) and so few working on farming, building/construction automation and robotics (for example).
You also appear to be conflating the notion of "hard" vs "soft" money and the notion that one should be paid based on the economic gain of your output to others. Those are orthogonal concepts. Their only commonality is that the economic consensus on both notions is that they are wrong.
Maybe except for brand new industries in the early stages but then I don't think productivity is measurable in such young industries because there would be no meaningful productivity metric to use to make any such analysis.
But I agree that looks like a questionable assumption. If the productivity improvement changes car prices from $250K to $25K, sure the assumption will work out. But not sure $25K to $24K would work out.
[1] But surely a worker creating only one thingie at the same time than other produce five thingies must be less productive, you say? Well, if the first one is able to sell his thingies at more than 5 times higher price than others, quite obviously s/he is more productive than the others.
> So if the society is willing to pay nurses n times higher salaries than 20 years before, the value of nurses work has become n times higher, and the productivity has increased n-fold. (minus inflation).
How do you disentangle value and inflation? I think that makes your definition incoherent as you just loop back to real output and real productivity to measure those things.
Eg a TV costs 10% of what it did 20 years ago. Fewer person-hours of work are involved in making one TV. Less of the average home budget goes to TVs than it used to, even while people are buying better tvs.
That’s a massive productivity increase in the lingo of economics.
You could replace TV with solar panels, cars, computers, etc. Less human involvement per good produced => productivity increase.
By the way, just started wondering why nobody is worried about the atrocious productivity development of CEOs over the last decades? Should shareholders maybe hire some consultants to advice the CEOs how they could make their work more efficiently that they could become cheaper?
In economics value is about choice and indifference. If you have two options and you are indifferent between them they have the same value. Everything about value in economics flows from there. It’s a very useful concept. But it’s not the same as “value” that a philosopher, a poet, or anyone else might talk about. Similarly “utility” in economics is fairly much equivalent to value in economics — but “utility” in economics doesn’t quite map to the common term “useful”.
How do you measure (and compensate workers for) compassion? Making ethical decisions? Maintaining confidentiality? Acting on a combination of training and instinct? I mean, okay, we can conceive of robot nurses who do the latter, but how does a robot nurse demonstrate compassion and empathy for patients? I think that stuff is priceless.
Edit.. those who vote me down take a look at inflation before the rise of central banks.. yes of course there were periods of inflation but then they were followed by periods of deflation.. this evidence of that take a look at the wages for an average man from 1700s all the way through the early 1900s it was basically the same.. whoever wants to central banks came into play inflation crept upward and upward
Hello, economist here! You are half correct. It's not a science, it is a social science. As far as methods go, it's quite imperialistic and has been the source of a lot of methodology improvements in many fields over the last several decades (especially in mechanism design and econometrics, IMHO).
Though, there are certainly ideological branches of economics. A good example is the "Austrian school," which claims to be the "mainline" of economics instead of mainstream per Pete Boettke.[0] There are also pretty dead arguments around Institutional Economics and similar that aren't really active fields anymore. However, this notion that standard economics is somehow lost is more reactionary and prosaic than it is sublime -- mainstream economics tends to do quite well in the marketplace of ideas and in evaluation, though subject to the same replication concerns all social sciences face.
Recent work in causal inference (which ML enthusiasts celebrate) has absolutely upped the bar for economists' output.
As for your hunches, they aren't really on point or based in reality. Modern Monetary Theory came a long time after Baumol's elucidation of sectoral cost disease. Recall that macroeconomic theory is only a small part of economics as a whole, even when considering its associated fields of inquiry.