Prices and wages in Medieval England (2014)
medium.com
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Very interesting analysis overall, but my biggest nitpick is that it's easy to call this group middle class, but it's so much smaller of a percentage of the population than we might be used to today. For roughly every 20 farmers, there may have been 1-2 people who were literally anything else. That's craftsmen, nobles, clergy, etc.
[0] https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/paradox-stpetersburg/
No. Traditionally the middle class was at least as rich as the upper class. What made them a "middle class" was that they weren't highborn, like the upper classes, but they also weren't poor, like the lower classes.
As opposed to it being the "normal" experience in the strict normal distributional terms, the reality is (a) income and social status is not a normal distribution -- it is extremely right skewed and (b) given some concepts of class divisions (e.g. peasants, merchants, nobles in previous centuries or blue collar, white collar professionals, and the rick (i.e. those who's earnings from capital returns as opposed to salary) today) middle class has tended to represent the group in the middle (as opposed to the person in the middle.
Thus, even if the bottom group of poor people is very very large, the middle class is not the mean of the population.
This is extremely clear on our usage when we say things like "Guatemala has a very small middle class as it is mostly poor people and some old money rich people."
One difference in the US and a lot of European countries, to be fair, is that our tax/retirement policies encourage you to acquire significant amounts of personal capital. So there may be a big qualitative difference between PMC members here and elsewhere in terms of actual wealth.
We are too far gone to relabel middle class though, it’s a lost cause. Lots of working class people (even on the low end of incomes) see themselves as middle class.
Though they might also think the underclass like farm migrants are working-class.
Of course, as long as this is emphasized then the article really does do a good job of making it clear how much things have improved for everyone on Earth in the last 500 years.
And it might be a subtle distinction in practice, but a serf's labor was what was owned by their lord, not their persons.
- Killing a serf is murder, killing a slave is property damage.
- A serf can bear witness, and accuse. A slave cannot.
- A slave can be sold and forced to go wherever the new owner wills. A serf cannot.
The article briefly mentions the plague but doesn't really seem to address that this event strongly changed the economic conditions of Europe for 150 years. Coincidentally, that 150 years heavily overlaps with the period of analysis for this article.
Also, amount of capital per capita increases.
In the Middle Ages, _land_ was the primary source of economic value. Fewer people means more land per person, therefore more wealth per person.
Turn that now around, and kill a lot of people from the bottom 90% while letting the top 10% survive at higher rates. Suddenly, the world looks way more fair, even though the people at the bottom still have nothing.
All land would used as much it could, and if there was surplus after making food and drink of the best produce, it would become feed for animals. They could grow better things like apples, vegetables, and so on.
No one is ever content with what they have.
The english king even passed a law trying to forbid higher wages: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Statute_of_Labourers_1351
However, after a plague the most productive land is still farmed, but anything close to break even is abandoned. Suddenly with zero changes in technology, skills, or total capital average productivity spikes.
They could also be trading with areas less effected by the plague. If your village gets 50% wiped out by the plague, but you sell crops to a city, you are still going to want 100% of the crops collected.
So when the population declines you have a bunch of landlords who have land supporting X people that they want the surplus on. But X/2 people can pick their landlord, so the landlord has to offer something in the deal, like better terms. This works even if the landlord class has halved, there's only one landlord regardless of how many of his family passed.
Note the acoup guy says peasants didn't store profits in the normal way, they preferred to buy social capital by throwing a party.
The wages rose so high that the king had to put a ceiling on the wages so the competition would stop.
I say king vaguely because I read into this years ago but I can't remember which country it was. My guess is that it was England or France but my brain is failing me.
Landlords also started dumping money into development of labor-saving tools, which happens when most of your supply of free bonded labor suddenly dies off.
Pretty huge multi-faceted impacts.
https://www.medievalists.net/2021/08/the-black-death-and-the...
... for the peasants who survived and whose breadwinners survived.
I'm a noble. I own this land. I have peasants who work the land, who grow crops for me. The limiting factor on my wealth is how much land I have.
Now the plague comes, and a bunch of peasants die. I have the same land, but my income goes down because there are fewer peasants working it. The limiting factor on my wealth is now the number of peasants I have working my land. So, rationally, I'll pay more for peasants than I would before.
When a huge chunk of the productive people are dead the ones who aren't have much more leverage to push back on the usurious mill fee, market fee, ferry/bridge fee, etc. etc. etc. and suddenly your average peasant (farmer) suddenly has a lot smaller cut of their productivity being taken by the local lords and whatnot. That frees them to farm slightly less and do all sorts of other productive things (raise animals, barter labor with each other, etc, etc) more and increase their standard of living.
Standards of living rose because the scarcity of labor rose relative to the scarcity of land.
Peasants had to pay dearly to aristocrats for the ability to use land to farm on, often somewhere close to 100% of their surplus production. Number of peasants going down while the amount of arable land stayed the same led to peasants being able to drive a better bargain and keep more of their surplus.
Being able to leave their current landed relationship and seek better prospects elsewhere was probably the greatest of gains.
Perhaps this is a little like the way that many people who have ancestry / family that come from places without clean water will routinely order a "coke with no ice".
I was careful what I drank until one night I was foolish and drank something with ice in it.
It got me the next day.
I.e. if you are a tourist that is not used to chlorinated water at all, even mildly chlorinated water can smell distinctly. And disgusting.
Get used to it and it's like many things you get used to: you don't notice or mind it much any longer. But even then you might go take a shower and out comes a huge chlorine stink that subsides after a bit.
For all you care water with chlorine smell would probably be the safest (from a microbial perspective - same caveats as you are mentioning about general guideline vs specific edge cases)
Older water infrastructure can't support chloramine, a replacement for chlorine, because it causes water to leech metals used in pipes. So older infrastructure in poor neighborhoods still use chlorine, but older, wealthy places might use nice filters and no chemicals.
It varies a lot, even with houses separated by a few miles.
https://bmcpublichealth.biomedcentral.com/articles/10.1186/s...
The only place in Europe where I had good tasting tap water was an Alpine village in Austria. The owner of the AirBnB said I had to taste it--and he was right. Better than fancy bottled spring water.
This isn't to say that your other points are wrong... I'm not studied enough on the subject to say... just that the beer making process is more the point of those that make the beer-safer-than-water claim than is the alcohol content.
Or is the idea that they didn't know that the boiling is what made it safe to drink?
What they did understand was, if you made beer the "wrong way", it would go off. Turns out the "right way" to make beer is to eliminate any competition for the brewers yeast.
The scent of yeast fermentation is distinctive, and if contaminated before fermentation the off scent can be quite apparent.
So if receiving a liquid from an unknown/untrusted source, beer may have been safer than clear water.
Before mechanization farm work was in many ways less dangerous, with a few notable exceptions. To list only one example, you can easily drive a horse cart with a fairly strong buzz as it's slow moving and the horse is largely self guided.
Even drunk people shouldn't have too much trouble weaving a wattle fence.
Beer was first and foremost a way of preserving calories and only secondarily for recreation.
As an American I recall being very surprised the first time I traveled to England and realized that “pence” is literally the same as “pennies” - just a different way of pluralizing it. As a kid I just thought it was some obscure division of numbers like “fortnight” or “score.”
I imagined it worked something like “four farthings to a pence and twelve pence to a pound” or something. :)
Before the pound was decimalized, 12 pence were indeed a shilling, and 20 shillings a pound.
I’m not sure whether it’s just me.
Pennies means 1p coins, sometimes 2p coins too:
"Mum, I need sixty pence for the train, I've only got pennies and the machine doesn't take them."
"Pennies" without an amount means a small amount of money. "It's only pennies with the amount we use it."
(JK Rowling missed a trick. It should have been one bronze knut, two bronze knuts, and a price of four knets or something.)
"The crop price spike around 1320" is probably the Great Famine of 1315-1317, which killed approximately ten per cent of the population.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Great_Famine_of_1315%E2%80%931...
But it could also be the famine of 1321.
Edit: I just remembered they also mentioned the textile industry grew so it seems that there must be some productivity gains to be had over the period.
- gold/silver standards of the time (disinflationary)
- currency in bullion or coinage of a relatively fixed qty (disinflationary)
- low credit supply & banking industry (not inflationary) - labor supply growth (deflationary)
- productivity growth (deflationary)
- war/crises (often deflationary)
There was probably some significant debasement and other funny tricks by the rulers of the day to intentionally inflate (state) purchasing power, and obviously there was some inflation via gold/silver mining and trade from the East. These combined with the above probably netted out of the long time-span.
It's not like they had bitcoin or central banking policy. The West didn't even have paper currency during this era; they didn't have access to inflationary levers to pull.
The story changes in the 20th century of course – governments racked up huge debts from world wars and related crises but instead of paying them down gradually over a long time (as England did after the Napoleonic wars in the previous century), they inflated their way out ("euthanizing" much of the idle rentier class in the process).
Historical economics is pretty fascinating – studying the past in this way really makes it clear how exceptional of a time we are living in now.
Yes, and that rate of growth was probably 0.
England wasn't yet a massive trading empire. And being a small island pretty far removed from the rest of Europe, it probably didn't have a lot of wealth flowing in or out of it. And there was a functional limit to the amount of land a contingent of people could work by hand. Being a small island, all of the workable land was already being worked, so there isn't going to be a long term growth in crop yield without mechanization.
It seems the economy reached an equilibrium and remained there for a century.
During that era, they did not have a monetary economy. It's hard for us to imagine, but most of the things produced by the economy were simply traded (bought/sold). Most food was produced and consumed by the farmers. Most buildings were erected/maintained by the inhabitants. Etc.
Most people were peasants and lived near subsistence level and a large fraction of their surplus was confiscated as rent (i.e. taxes) by the nobility. Most rent was "in-kind". That is, paid for in grain, pigs, and labor. Not to say that peasants didn't buy/sell things for coin, they most certainly did. But that was a minority of their economic activity.
Only the nobility and towns/cities had a monetary economy. But those were a small fraction of the total economy.
Second, there was very little per-capita economic growth during these eras. Barring notable exceptions like the plague and its aftermath. But what you do see is high volatility in prices. How is this possible in conjunction with the fact that most production was not even traded? Simple: prices are set at the margins.
Inflation as a concept didn't really mean much to most people of that era since most people were peasant farmers who didn't participate much in the monetary economy. And even in the cities, monetary wages were only a fraction of total compensation. For example, most servants got room & board as well. Apprentices too.
Long story short, the european middle ages was a very very different economy and many modern economic concepts are only very roughly analogous. Even legal concepts of ownership was sort of different back then.
That they lived much better or more fulfilling lives than us.
"Having a “beer break” was a Medieval version of contemporary lunch."
But, it also suggests that problems like wealth inequality are here to stay, or least somewhat natural.
What's worse is, by my divination at least: as a general rule, I don't find these people to be exceptional or necessarily well suited to wield such power. And I would also conjecture that the centralization of power in aspects of individual occurrence and institutions creates a behavioral uniformity, which I hypothesize necessarily leads to considerable instability ultimately creating more "too big to fail" situations which ultimately compromises the health of our polite society. And because of the immense leverage, I don't find it to be stepping out of bounds to say that it's entirely probable that our body politic is owned and operated through backroom auction of policy.
I'd also append that, from my experience, I've never seen debts factored into arguments regarding wealth disparities, but I do suppose it should be. Historically debt peonage was a considerable force. I think it would be interesting to look at the wealth distribution charts and seeing how it plays out when they traipse into the negative.
Luckily most people do want to make transactions in the official currency though; that's the upside of sales taxes.
The last time people cared about inflation in the 70s it was caused by an oil crisis; this time in housing inflation it's a lack of supply.
Austrians constantly predict there will be extra bad hyperinflation in the US from the national debt; not only are they wrong but they caused the 2008 recession by being wrong.
A word used - by others, if not the parent - to argue for doing nothing. Currency isn't 'natural', nor literacy, nor the Information Age nor modern healthcare. E.coli is natural, however. We should not be satisfied with natural.
For 7.5x yearly income, you get a "Castle wall tower".
- Water was impure
- Juice could not be refrigerated
Kinda niche, but the closest modern analog I know to table beer that's commonly purchased is some Kombucha brands. Most Kombucha in the US aims for under 0.5% ABV so that it can be sold to people under 21, but some lines, e.g. GT's Classic, are more lax and go up to about 1% ABV. In all but legal classification, these are basically non-alcoholic: you wouldn't substitute a light beer, or even an "extra light" beer, for this. You can't feel the alcohol at such low ABV.
and all it took was a global pandemic that killed "30 percent to 60 percent of the European population"[1].