Lie: > Vaccine rejection is higher among whites than it is among black and Hispanic Americans
The data: https://covid.cdc.gov/covid-data-tracker/#vaccination-demogr...
Lie: > Vaccine rejection is higher among whites than it is among black and Hispanic Americans
The data: https://covid.cdc.gov/covid-data-tracker/#vaccination-demogr...
It's a bit like trying to say that 4 square meters is less than 6 cubic feet, just based on the numbers alone. It's nonsensical, because units do matter. Perhaps both those figures could play a part in an interesting comparison, depending on what they're actually measuring, but, even if they could, you'd need to bring in some more numbers to get there.
How do you go from one to the other here?
The vaccine rejection rate here is the percentage of people who say they won't get the vaccine. That has little to do with how many people have been vaccinated up to this point, which is a function of access and distributed among people who _haven't_ stated categorically they won't get it.
It can both be true that white people are more likely to say they won't ever get the vaccine than black and hispanic people AND that a higher percentage of white people have received vaccine shots SO FAR.
Here, imagine you can divide a box into four quadrants:
A | B
--+--
C | D
One is measuring A/(A+B), the other is measuring A/(A+C).Also observe in Figure 4 of https://www.kff.org/coronavirus-covid-19/issue-brief/latest-... that while the percentage of whites that have gotten vaccinated his higher than Black and Hispanic groups, the slope of the curve is higher in the latter cases - if trends continue, the lines will cross, just as Canada has exceeded the US vaccination rate, and possibly for similar reasons.
EDIT: I'm eating the downvotes on this one, but it's an actual excuse I've seen reported in the wild. Even if they don't lose their job, many people are living very close to the edge and the loss of a couple days salary is a big deal.
I personally was unable to really work for a day and a half, and couldn't have driven myself there (or back) anyway. I'm very lucky in that I work from home and have plenty of paid sick leave, but that's not a situation experienced by lots of people.
Where exactly do you see this access problem for black and Hispanic Americans?
Which, it's from March, so a lot of the issues they cited were from early on in the rollout where supply was low, demand was high, and a lot of governments were still getting the kinks worked out. That said, some of the effects cited in the article may still apply. For example,
> Another barrier to getting vaccinated is difficulty in registering for appointments online. Applicants often have to navigate labyrinthine portal systems and fill out multiple pages of documentation before appointments fill up, so it becomes a race for who can load and complete the forms the fastest.
> Getting to vaccination sites can also be a challenge. They are not always near public transit, and not everyone has access to a car.
As someone who spent many years living without a car in the USA, I can personally attest that, "available at every major drug store in America," does not mean the same thing as, "readily accessible." Suburban sprawl doesn't care who won the last election.
These are not unique to minority communities.
Seems likely.
And here we have articles talking about real researchers doing real research, as scientifically as they can, to try and pin down what those other factors might be. And you are rejecting it, not based on its own merits as research, but based on a mix of sweeping statements and political assertions. Here I just pointed out that your most recent argument doesn't follow because it's a blatant strawman, and your response is to suggest that me pointing out that the universal and existential quantifiers are actually two very different logical constructs is somehow an encrypted 4D chess statement about voter laws?
Allow me to suggest that life has a distressing tendency to be neither that simple nor that complicated.
It's tiresome to see certain statements about black and Hispanic communities seem to generalize the assumption that these are groups almost entirely without agency or capacity for even minimal personal initiative on simple, inexpensive (by even the most basic standards) things. It's almost condescending, but presented in the name of fighting marginalization. An excusing of all behavior without even considering the possibility that members of a community might just be making a few poor choices of their own.