It's a neat possibility to think about though. If there were enough people who did that, it would really depend on the demographics moving and where they're going. It could swing the election either way. I wonder if anyone has found numbers on this and attempted to model it.
Moving out doesn't stop you from voting. I didn't change my voter registration when I moved from San Francisco to China. Years later, back in California, I voted in San Francisco, where I was still registered, despite residing in Hayward.
For verification purposes, they asked me when I voted what my address was. I was allowed to vote despite not knowing my own apartment number.
If you want to know where the models are going to break down it is more likely that the state-level polling has over-corrected for the factors that caused them to miss the swing to Trump in 2016 and Biden's numbers are even better than what polls are saying (a prediction based on looking at polling at the congressional district level and then seeing how that differs from state-level polling -- the numbers are the district level are closer to national numbers than the lower statewide numbers for swing states.)
I don't have a methodology, because I'm not a pollster with dozens of people at my disposal. I am just bemused and annoyed that things like 538 continue to be taken seriously when they continue to ignore sociological, historical, and cultural factors in favor of an overly-complex quantitative model.
Re: the upcoming election. I don't think we can be sure, yet. Certainly it will be close, and the Biden at 90% to win estimations make no sense to me. Biden is a much weaker candidate than Hillary and he continues to make blunders (i.e. I guarantee that his comments on fracking in the last debate just lost him Pennsylvania.) Trump seems to be finding a lot of allies in strange places, e.g. African-American celebrities. That may be an isolated incident, or it may signal some big unexpected changes.
At this point my estimation is Trump-Biden 55-45, for the simple reason that people tend to vote for economic issues and Trump has a better "perception" on this issue. "It's the economy, stupid." as James Carville put it.
That’s your view; however, he is polling much better than Clinton, which would indicate that voters don’t necessarily agree with you (or else just that peoples’ opinions of Trump are lower than last time round, or a combination. But really it hardly matters).
> (i.e. I guarantee that his comments on fracking in the last debate just lost him Pennsylvania.)
Looks like 20-50,000 people employed in fracking plus industries supported by it in Pennsylvania. And presumably most of those would be voting for Trump anyway; it’s not like Biden’s views on fracking were a total black box til now. So it only really matters if it’s very close anyway.
Alternatively it might be because you're objecting to the results of a well-documented statistical process, and then when being questioned saying things like "I don't have a methodology".
You'll notice that the comment you replied to (saying it was similar to your point) is not downvoted into oblivion.
>At this point my estimation is Trump-Biden 55-45, for the simple reason that people tend to vote for economic issues and Trump has a better "perception" on this issue. "It's the economy, stupid." as James Carville put it.
Indeed, Gallup reports that 56% of Americans believe that they are better off than four years ago (https://news.gallup.com/opinion/gallup/321650/gallup-electio...).
My model is simpler. If Trump wins every other state he won in 2016, he only has to win one of MI, PA, WI, MN, or NH/NV. The first three he won in 2016 (and, as you say, Biden's views on fracking may very well cost him the state); MN Trump lost by 1.5%, so the state is only sightly behind the rest of the Midwest bar IL, and half of Minneapolis being torched this summer probably pushed the state over.