Solutions to social problems must consider the human perspective
terranostra.one
terranostra.one
I would revise that further: social problems are never technical; they are primary political. That we are, in most western countries, rich enough to provide a minimum standard of living for everyone doesn't mean we will/can, if the political will doesn't exist to implement it.
Technology can be used to simplify the implementation, but you have to solve the politics and policy challenges first. This fact isn't strictly a negative, either, although it's usually a lot harder to make the case that we should do something, as opposed to how we could do it.
This is a double-edged sword, of course, as a lot of damage to society and environment has been done by technologies creating - often unintentionally - easy options for undesirable behavior. Optimizing internal combustion engines had that side effect, so did optimizing production of plastics. One big argument against adtech surveillance is based around precisely that: it may be mostly harmless now, but it creates cheap and easy options for government abuse.
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[0] - Not my idea; something I stole from Saul Griffith[1], via Bret Victor[2].
[1] - https://www.smithsonianmag.com/innovation/saul-griffiths-fas...
https://www.theguardian.com/society/2009/feb/19/dambisa-moyo... is one example, but you can find many others.
My project: https://cristosal.org/ Working in the northern triangle of Central America (El Salvador, Honduras, Guatemala) they're addressing the root causes of large scale northbound migration: governments and civil institutions that can't or won't keep their people secure.
I've known the Zambian Copperbelt (the major industrial province) for over twenty years. In the last ten years, and especially in the last five, it has literally been overrun with Chinese "investors". Driving between towns, you see almost only Chinese companies, Chinese mines, Chinese trucks. Signposts are written Chinese first, English (the official language) second. Some time back, they managed to negotiate a 10-years tax-free period for them with the Zambian government. They prefer to import their own labourers - tens of thousands of them, living in heavily guarded compounds. Where they do employ local labour, workers are forced to work seven day weeks under precarious conditions. (Last year, 40 people died when a slag heap collapsed.)
China ingratiates itself with African governments by offering immense loans for big infrastructure projects. Western governments are almost always unwilling to do so themselves (partly because of corruption in the target countries), so the Africans jump at the Chinese offer. But the loans come with strings attached: the projects have to be given to Chinese contractors, who often charge ten times the regular price. And when the country in unable to pay back the loan on time (as they inevitably are), the Chinese government takes over key national assets in "mortgage". (Compare here: https://www.africanstand.com/news/africa/east-africa/china-t...)
> find an up-and-running NGO (charity) and support them with cash money and referrals to other potential supporters.
That is good advice. The most effective aid projects I have seen are small organisations built on local experience. People who've been "on the ground" for more than a few months (ideally, decades), who know the problems and the pitfalls associated with solving them, and who have the respect of the community. These teams tend to be small and agile and unencumbered with the bureaucracy of the big-time NGOs. On the flip side, they struggle with a chronic lack of funding and limited clout with government agencies. (That's where the big NGOs have their advantages.)
Personal question: How did you settle on a project to support? I imagine that to be somewhat difficult, especially when trying to avoid "rogue" aid projects.
In the course, they focused on some themes in the book "Toxic Charity," and how they are doing their best to avoid those pitfalls. Also, they're suing--successfully--the government of El Salvador for redress of wrongs from some massacres during the civil war of the 1980s and 1990s.
Their short courses include both norteamericanos and local people. So some level of relationships are built.
You know how South Africa had a "Truth and Reconciliation Commission" that enjoyed some success? El Salvador had a "Reconcilation Commission," but they left out the truth part. That Doesn't Work. The government is weaker than the MS-13 and Barrio 18 rival gangs now. Cristosal is persistently trying to rebuild civil institutions.
That short course is a pretty good development tool; spreads the word about the challenges and gets people enlisted in the mission.
And if you travel to poor communities in Central America, bring soccer balls.