But as I think about my stance on the legality of encryption it sounds pretty similar to the argument for guns. Still don't want one, but it's harder for me to be dismissive of a point when I turn around and use the same point for another issue.
But as I think about my stance on the legality of encryption it sounds pretty similar to the argument for guns. Still don't want one, but it's harder for me to be dismissive of a point when I turn around and use the same point for another issue.
Police violence is more of a way to discourage wrongdoing on the part of rational actors. Irrational actors (terrorists, mentally ill, drug-addled, enraged, desperate) probably won't be affected short of an oppressive police state.
If you buy that argument you could also argue that govermnets should be trusted as a holder of cryptogrphic keys.
Probably wouldn't end well for you though.
The right to keep and bear arms has more bearing on access to encryption than any other recognized right.
The 2nd - 6th on the other hand, watered down though they may be by subsequent court opinions, do directly deal on the relationship between things that an individual may possess which the government would seek to take from them for its own ends.
To me, the second set strikes far closer to the intent of privacy. Privacy is not some passive manner of communication. Privacy is fundamentally a weapon whose very existence challenges and bounds the desires of the state. Because privacy is fundamentally unknown.
Let's not pretend we're talking about encrypting just "the good messages". We're talking about encrypting child pornography, chemical formulas and processes for explosives, copywritten media, white/black/hispanic/asian supremacist propaganda, firearm schemics, computer viruses, and explicit pictures of ex-relationship partners.
The state has a reasonable interest in wanting some of this suppressed. But you have to make an all-or-nothing choice on whether it should be able to do that... or not.
This isn't about expression: it's about how we as individuals and citizens relate to our government and it to us.
And time, place, and manner restrictions on expression are limited by the First Amendment (case law gives them slightly less protection than content-based restrictions, intermediate rather than strict scrutiny.)
And encryption restrictions that permit it for certain uses and not for you others are, arguably, content-based restrictions.
We'll see how it goes though. I doubt the courts will be thrilled to do anything that circumscribes their own power.